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Albanese and Chalmers underestimated budget backlash

Treasurer Jim Chalmers, left, and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese speak to journalists at a press conference in Canberra. Photo: Mick Tsikas/AAP

As Labor struggles with budget backwash, One Nation surfs a wave, writes political columnist MICHELLE GRATTAN.

One way the Albanese government has recently tapped into social media audiences for its budgets is by inviting “influencers” to Canberra for the event. This broadens the audience and often garners favourable publicity.

Michelle Grattan.

This year, the prime minister gave a promo at the start of Toilet Paper Australia’s budget podcast, Talking Sh!t, “Hi I’m Anthony Albanese – make sure you’re following Toilet Paper Australia”.

But social media, of course, is a horse for hire. Post this budget the government was rattled by memes used to effect by critics. Albanese was digitally inserted into small businesses objecting to the capital gains tax hike, with lines such as “He’s having a great time with his new 47% equity,” and “We’re very pleased to welcome Albo to the @_checkonchain team as our new 47% co-owner of the business we’ve built!”

Albanese sought to play it cool. “I have seen some of the memes which are there and the memes are very flattering, I must say, some of them. So, thank you to those who’ve made me look rather good.”

Before the budget, Albanese and Treasurer Jim Chalmers knew they’d be hit by criticism for its broken promises. But they underestimated the extent and ferocity of the backlash, which has gone not only to broken promises but deep into the weeds of individual measures, notably relating to CGT and trusts.

The government pitched this budget as one about intergenerational equity, and housing. But younger people have been critical on the grounds that some, not having the money for a home deposit, use shares and the like to build wealth. Chalmers says it is only a small proportion, but that doesn’t stop them having a loud voice.

Savvy campaigning has thrust into the public eye young entrepreneurs, many of them women, to amplify the objections to the CGT changes.

On Thursday, 10 female founders of businesses issued a statement deploying the gender argument in their call for a rethink.

“It is already harder for women to access capital, secure loans, raise investment, and attract senior talent. Many female founders begin with fewer resources, smaller networks, and more family responsibilities than their male counterparts. The proposed CGT changes would make an already difficult path even harder,” they said.

The statement was targeting a vulnerable spot in a government that prides itself that it delivers for women.

Much of the present debate is the old story of budgets. The “losers” – or those who fear they might become losers – can cause a government a lot of grief.

Comparisons have been made of this budget’s unpopularity with that of the Keating government’s budget in 1993, and the Abbott government’s 2014 one. These were condemned by critics not just for their measures, but for their breaches of trust because they broke promises.

In political terms, however, we should be careful of pushing the parallels too far. This budget will undermine people’s trust in Albanese but he has considerable political capital as a buffer.

And the government’s circumstances are different. In 1993, though Keating had only been prime minister since 1991, Labor had been in power for a decade. Its time was running out. In 2014, while Tony Abbott led a new government with a large majority, he was being stalked by Malcolm Turnbull.

As it fended off criticisms of the budget, the Albanese government was less than pleased with the contribution of NSW  Premier Chris Minns, who highlighted how much working people are paying in income tax, with the top marginal rate at 47 per cent.

“You work Monday, Tuesday, half of Wednesday for yourself and then Wednesday, Thursday and Friday for the government – that’s a tough burden for a lot of families to hit,” Minns said. “Whether it’s now or in the future, we do need to make sure we’re taking urgent action when it comes to personal income taxes, because at the moment a lot of working families are getting stung.”

Chalmers responded by saying, in essence, that Minns didn’t understand how the tax system worked. To say the federal government regards Minns as a pain in the neck is probably an understatement.

Given the government’s troubles, Opposition Leader Angus Taylor has had a much better post-budget time than he might have expected, including a reasonable reception for his plan to index income tax to inflation, which he announced in his budget reply.

His humiliation in Farrer has been somewhat submerged. But on the other hand One Nation’s win there is reverberating, and further energising the “disruptor” party.

As the Farrer byelection is being formally finalised ahead of its new House of Representatives member David Farley taking his seat, One Nation appears to be hyperactive, preparing its future moves, or playing the tease, or both.

One Nation has its tail up with post budget polls showing rises in its support.

According to analyst Kevin Bonham, aggregating federal polls, Labor leads the Coalition 52.3%–47.7%; it has an estimated 52.9%–47.1% lead against One Nation. Those are remarkable figures. One Nation, a party with two House of Representatives seats, can be seen as the alternative opposition.

Pauline Hanson wants to set up a second office, in Yeppoon (near Rockhamption) where Nationals leader Matt Canavan lives. Yeppoon is in the electorate of Capricornia, held by the Nationals’ Michelle Landry. If Landry retires at the next election, Canavan may stand for the seat.

Meanwhile Hanson has left the option open of standing for a Queensland lower house seat (Blair or Wright have been speculated), Barnaby Joyce doesn’t rule out recontesting his seat of New England rather than running for a NSW Senate seat, as he originally planned.

One Nation is working on setting up a branch structure. One party adherent says this would see One Nation “move from a dictatorship to a democratic party like the Liberals and the Nationals”.

On Thursday, Hanson released her policy on gas. It would scrap the Petroleum Resource Rent Tax, replacing it with a 10% “wellhead” royalty on all offshore gas and oil production, and have the government taking equity in new exploration and drilling projects.

Strong arguments may be mounted against the content of the policy. But politically, it could hit the spot with some voters. Remember the pre-budget push for more tax on gas exports. Both government and opposition are dismissing the Hanson policy, which she can use to argue they’re not listening to the people.

One Nation is currently a very large political balloon. State elections in Victoria (November) and NSW (March) could prick that balloon. If they don’t, the Coalition will be terrified, and Labor will start to worry.

Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra. Republished from The Conversation.

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Michelle Grattan

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One Response to Albanese and Chalmers underestimated budget backlash

David says: 27 May 2026 at 8:48 am

I don’t think they underestimated it, but are probably frustrate by the school playground antics that Australia politics has become. Especially how well that is supported and encouraged by our so called political commentators. You have to love the classic, if you cannot attack the message then attack the messenger. The childish ‘you broke a promise, running around with your hands over your ears’ is just that. As per usual our hopelessly pathetic political commentators repeat the broken promise bit as opposed to asking the crying child, well, what is your message on how you are going to fix the problem being addressed. (Keeping in mind housing supply in the current environment does not fix the problem of, a property investor can afford to pay more for a property, and still make money, than someone wanting to owner occupy).

As for Chris Minns’s comments of 47%. This is the heart of the problem. In our current tax system the 47% is what wage owners are being hit with the most as they don’t have the option of tax minimization by splitting their income through a trust. You hear arguments about how taxing trusts will stop families paying for their kids to go to private school etc etc. Here’s a simple question, why doesn’t every working Australian have the right to access the same tax minimization schemes no matter how they earn their money? If we flattened out the tax system so everyone pays the same tax (or has access to the same minimization schemes) then readjusted the tax rates to get the government back to net zero, then you’ll probably be in a lot better position to reduce the 47%.

Keeping in mind, as Joe Hockey pointed out, things are going to getter far worse around tax collection and property ownership as we move forward. If we don’t structurally fix it now, the rich will be only ones left to pay the welfare bill and property investors may find future governments hit them with even worse taxes. You horde all the toilet paper until you’re the only one with it and the people (and the government) is not going to like you at all.

Moving forward with the expected much higher employment rates, can the government really afford for people to be wasting money paying rent to private investors? Every cent someone earns, where possible, should go towards keeping them out of the welfare system. Home ownership is a key part of this, and, whatever way you look at it, property investors are making our welfare budget bigger.

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